It was clear from the very beginning, after Boris Johnson become Prime Minister, that crashing Britain into No-deal Brexit won’t be an easy job. But Do-or-Die strategy wasn’t really about crashing Britain into No-deal Brexit, Do-or-Die strategy, leaving on 31st of October with “no ifs and buts”, has different function for Boris Johnson: saving Tories from the complete collapse. 

Before Theresa May announced her resignation, Tories plunged in polls below 20%, without prospect of recovering with the current course. Her deal was dead and concessions Labour wanted were unacceptable. The number of Tory MPs in the House of Commons was just a hollow representation without real support, with Brexit party in a bid to become the biggest party in UK. Boris was necessity in order to prevent Tory party stabilize only between 10% to 15% – the number of people ready to support the May’s deal and seeing Brexit party as unacceptable option – becoming secondary force in British politics. 

Another problem was timing. About a month went on inner-Tory election, making Boris a PM at the end of July. He couldn’t call for general election in September with Toris polling about 20%. He needed to show his commitment, both, for a possible deal and for a “clean cut” Brexit. Do or die. This would cause a surge in polls, making Tories the biggest party in Britain again, with the support of about 35%. 

Now, that’s one thing – surging in polls, but preserving slim majority in Parliament, while crushing Britain into No-deal Brexit, is another thing. This didn’t happened. He lost majority. But nevermind, with Toris having decent support in polls, Boris prepared the party for election. And he called for general election, but the time is running out, and his promises are coming back as a curse: if he want an election, he need an extension in order to avoid possible No-deal deadline and thus secure the support from the Labour party for an election, something usually wouldn’t be a big deal, but if he seek another extension, than all his promises are falling apart, as his principal Do-or-Die strategy. 

Having all this in mind, Boris’ defeats in Parliament are not really defeats, and taking time into account, he really couldn’t do more for the cause. And the cause is not really Brexit, and even less the prospect of country, but saving Tory party as a leading force in British politics. Will all of these be enough, we will see, but defeats in Parliament which is elected in 2017, in different circumstances, are really not genuine defeats. That’s why his purge of Tory party is really not that scandalous as many try to portray: what’s the point of having the same MPs after another election, who are voting against principal Do-or-Die strategy? In order for Boris to implement this strategy he needs Do-or-Die majority in the House of Commons. And there’s only one way to do that: new general election with some new names in the House. 

Boris did pretty much everything he could to implement his “no ifs and buts” strategy. Will it work, we shall see, and will the electorate have understanding for Boris – instead of flee to Brexit party – if he fail to deliver Brexit by 31st of October, and went on election in November with extension in place, we shall see as well. But Boris is still not doomed. Currently in the Tory party there’s no personality which could do better for the party, and currently there’s no policy which could make better results for the party. Do or die. Is that good for UK is another question, of course. 

In that vain, I don’t think it’s disaster for Tories if they went into opposition and lose prospect for “clean cut” Brexit, if they survive as one of the two main parties. With Boris on the top, of course. Otherwise, Tories with some moderate leadership will probably be decimated and sink on about – or even less – 15%.